European regulations rarely make headlines or spark public interest. For most, they are dense texts understood only by lawyers or policy nerds in Brussels. They don’t usually dominate dinner-table conversations or animate social media feeds. That’s understandable.
But every once in a while, a piece of EU legislation comes along that is more than administrative tinkering — something that directly affects our collective security and sovereignty. The mini omnibus currently under negotiation in the European Parliament is one of those rare exceptions.
As the Parliament’s rapporteur on this file, I’ve worked to shape this initiative into a practical tool that strengthens the EU’s ability to respond to today’s defence and security needs. Not with lofty declarations or symbolic gestures, but with clear mechanisms, financial tools, and operational flexibility.
In EU legislative terms, an omnibus refers to a single legal act that bundles changes across several existing regulations. It is designed to simplify procedures, reduce fragmentation, and foster a more coherent policy response.
The mini-omnibus for defence is exactly that: a fast-track package that amends multiple existing EU funding programmes to better serve the Union’s urgent defence priorities — without creating new bureaucracy, without requiring additional EU budget contributions, and without reinventing the wheel.
This initiative does not build castles in the air. It repurposes existing instruments to meet new realities — something EU institutions should be doing more often.
Europe no longer has the luxury of strategic complacency. Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, destabilisation attempts at our borders, the uncertain future of transatlantic relations, and increasing global disorder all point to one conclusion: security can no longer be taken for granted.
Europe must act — and must act now. The mini-omnibus offers Member States immediate tools to invest in their defence sectors, protect critical infrastructure, and ensure their armed forces have what they need. It is a bridge between urgency and action.
The European Commission’s original proposal targets six funding programmes:
Additionally, via submitted amendments of my own and others, the mini-omnibus will most probably enable the use of unspent cohesion funds and Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) resources for defence projects — on a voluntary basis and within the current Multiannual Financial Framework.
This is about smarter use of funds, not asking taxpayers for more.
As rapporteur, I’ve introduced targeted amendments to strengthen the proposal. These include:
These amendments ensure that this initiative is not only coherent — but also operationally useful and secure from exploitation by adversarial interests.
STEP will now cover both defence and civil security technologies, expanding access to funding for dual-use innovations—from cyberdefence and AI to fortifications and detection systems for hybrid threats.
Horizon Europe and the EIC will support dual-use R&D projects. But here, a red line is drawn projects with sensitive military potential will be limited to EU and NATO/EEA partners. No participation from entities with links to hostile regimes, whether in Moscow or Beijing.
EDF will support the scaling-up of Europe’s defence production capacity, allowing joint procurement and industrial cooperation across Member States.
RRF — which until now was tightly bound to green and digital transformation targets — can now, under my amendments, be repurposed for defence industrial capacity. Many Member States still have unallocated RRF funds. With this regulation, they can redirect them — without co-financing — toward defence manufacturing.
Digital Europe will increase funding for cyber and AI resilience—areas of growing strategic importance.
CEF, once dedicated primarily to civilian transport, will also now support military mobility and energy infrastructure critical to defence logistics. Thanks to my amendment, pre-financing will increase from 30% to 40%, accelerating project delivery.
And crucially, the voluntary reallocation of cohesion funds gives Member States a unique opportunity: redirect underused structural funds to defence projects. That’s not a threat to cohesion — it’s common sense. It also relieves national budgets from some of the defence pressure, freeing resources for other priorities like health and education.
To prevent hostile infiltration into Europe’s defence supply chains, I proposed a single EU Defence Transparency Register. Every recipient of EU funds must disclose beneficial ownership. Funds are released only after AML and counterintelligence checks.
This is not red tape — it’s security. It gives banks, partners, and governments confidence that EU-funded defence projects are clean, compliant, and secure.
The mini omnibus provides real tools within the current budget cycle, until the end of 2027. The clock is ticking. Member States must act now to identify unused funds, prioritise critical defence needs, and prepare for reallocation.
This is not the time for bureaucratic hesitations or political hedging. Those who wait may miss the opportunity entirely.
This initiative is not a silver bullet. But it is a pragmatic, concrete step toward building Europe’s defence readiness and strategic sovereignty. It complements NATO, strengthens EU resilience, and shows that European institutions can act with clarity when it matters most.
As rapporteur, I will keep pushing to ensure this regulation is effective, focused, and protected from dilution. But it is up to each Member State to decide whether it uses the tools this package provides — or lets the opportunity slip away.
We can’t afford another delay. Security waits for no one.
